Turkey’s tightening censorship regime continues to challenge its relations with the western countries. The Turkish authorities, last week, gave 72 hours for Voice of America (VOA) Türkçe and Deutsche Welle (DW) Türkçe to register as an internet broadcaster. Otherwise, they will either stop their activities or their administrative boards will face imprisonment in Turkey. Washington and Ankara want to configure their relationship on a transactional basis, but as Turkey’s authoritarian practices deepen, Turkey’s authoritarian drift continue to be a challenge for Turkish-American relations.

Turkey’s main opposition party, CHP, has not yet recovered from the trauma of its recent election defeat. Despite the challenges posed by President Erdogan's extensive access to public resources for campaigning, his complete control over the media, and various election manipulations, it was a notable achievement for Kilicdaroglu to secure 48% of the votes. However, a segment of the opposition holds the view that Kilicdaroglu, who has been leading the party for 13 years, cannot fully realize the CHP’s potential. This discrepancy between expectations and reality is causing instability within the CHP's leadership.

Turkey and the Gulf countries have initiated a normalization process since the al-Ula Summit in late 2020. The leaders have mended fences through high-level visits, diplomatic overtures, promises of investments, and dozens of agreements. Turkey has already started to reap the benefits of normalization in terms of economic and diplomatic relations. It is difficult to forecast how long this period of authoritarian peace will last, but it is promising to witness the success of diplomacy in the region.

Turkey has left behind its election period with the second round of presidential runoff on May 28. Proving his invincibility to economic woes, natural disasters, and refuge crisis, Erdogan won another victory against the opposition coalition. But Erdogan is not the only winner of the elections. Turkish nationalism continues to gain momentum in the Turkish politics. However, it is important to note that nationalism may lead to greater repression within domestic politics. Paradoxically, President Erdogan appears to adopt a more diplomatic approach to foreign policy.

Sinan Ogan emerged as a notable surprise during the initial round of the Turkish Presidential elections on May 14. Despite his limited recognition among voters and a modest campaign budget, his vote share, which exceeded 5 percent, is a significant achievement. Notably, his endorsement of Erdogan's campaign in the second round opens up the possibility of him playing a role in the forthcoming cabinet.

As there are only days to Turkey’s general elections, the opposition candidate, Kemal Kilicdaroglu, is closer to a victory more than ever. Most polls show Kilicdaroglu ahead of Erdogan for months. Polls can always be misleading, but in Kilicdaroglu’s case, his nationwide popularity supports the numbers. Even in Van, an Eastern Anatolian city where the Republican Party has been historically weaker, an unprecedented crowd welcomed Kilicdaroglu. This is certainly good news for the opposition. But the question of election security still waits for an answer.

28 Temmuz 2024 Pazar günü Venezuela'da gerçekleştirilen tek turlu başkanlık seçimi sonuçlarını instituDE üyesi ve Latin Amerika Uzmanı Dr. İmdat Öner ile instituDE Dış Politika Analisti Haşim Tekineş değerlendirdiler.

Orta Doğu uzmanı Mehmet Akif Koç ve instituDE Dış Politika Analisti Haşim Tekineş İran'ın yeni cumhurbaşkanı Mesud Pezişkiyân'ı, reformist olup olmadığını, nasıl bir profile sahip olduğunu, seçim sonuçlarına dair çeşitli detayları ve bir sonraki İran ruhani lideri dahil olmak üzere pek çok hususu ele aldılar.

ran ve Ortadoğu uzmanı Mehmet Akif Koç ve instituDE politika analisti Haşim Tekineş'in 19 Mayıs Pazar akşamı saat 20.00'den itibaren gerçekleştirdikleri, İran cumhurbaşkanı Reisi'nin helikopter kazası hakkındaki twitter Space yayınımızın kaydıdır.

18 Ekim Çarşamba günü Ömer Güler, Enes Esen, Servet Akman, Haşim Tekineş ve İmdat Öner İsrail-Hamas Savaşı'na dair hastane saldırısı dahil son gelişmeleri, Gazze'ye kara harekatını, Türkiye'nin gelişmelere dair tepkilerini ve savaşın küresel ve bölgesel sonuçlarını Twitter Space yayınında ele aldılar.

As Russia has initiated its onslaught against Ukraine, the Turkish position has tilted towards the attitudes of other NATO countries, although it remains cautious in an attempt to not raise Moscow’s ire.

If Erdoğan is voted out of office, no one in Washington or Brussels should expect Turkey to suddenly turn into a docile and obedient ally. Structural changes in the international environment, broader bureaucratic and ideological trends in Turkey, and new facts on the ground that Erdoğan has created will all limit the potential for “normalization” in post-Erdoğan Turkey.

Turkey has maintained strong dialogue with NATO and EU countries despite increasing differences regarding foreign policy matters. Meanwhile, Turkey’s intensifying relations with authoritarian states is one of the striking trends between 2010 and 2020.

elations between Turkey and Qatar have flourished within the past decade, particularly after the 2017 Gulf boycott against the latter. Yet efforts by Ankara and Doha to normalize diplomatic relations with Gulf countries and Egypt raise doubts about the future of bilateral relations between Turkey and Qatar. For sure, neither Turkey nor Qatar have any interest in ending their mutually beneficial bilateral relations.

Geopolitical, ideological, and socio-economic quandaries will continue to haunt processes of normalization in the Middle East subsequent to the US’s gradual withdrawal from the region. Underlying issues remain unresolved despite diplomatic relaxation, and the power vacuum left behind by the US has the potential to rekindle regional rivalries and trigger proxy wars worse than those seen under the Obama and Trump administrations.

With its endless wars, crises, massacres, and turmoil, the Middle East is seen as hopeless geography today. It was much better than this throughout the 20th century, but it had never been so hopeless, exhausted, and desperate. There is no more new ideas, projects, or emotions that motivate and energize Arab street around itself.

Evolution of Erdoğan's Victory Speeches From 2002 to 2023

Rusya’nın Ukrayna’yı işgali büyük güçler arasında son yıllarda artan rekabetin nerelere varabileceğini çok açık bir şekilde herkese göstermiş oldu. Y kuşağının tarih kitaplarından okuduğu felaket senaryolarının günümüzde de pekâlâ yaşanabileceğini görmüş olduk.